2025 The New 1933

What Is Fascism? (And why you should give a damn.)

Fascism is a far-right, authoritarian system of government that worships power, silences dissent, glorifies violence, and demands blind loyalty to a strongman leader — usually wrapped in a flag and sold as “patriotism.”

The word fascism comes from Benito Mussolini’s Italy in the 1920s. Inspired by Roman “fasces” (a bundle of rods symbolizing unity and force), Mussolini built a regime that crushed opposition, banned unions, silenced the press, and used propaganda to build a cult of personality.

Then Hitler took notes.

Then Franco.

Then others.

From the Beer Hall to the Capitol: Echoes of Fascism in Trump’s America

Many scholars now warn that the United States is sliding toward an authoritarian model of “competitive authoritarianism” – one where leaders are elected but then gut checks and balances. Indeed, a 2025 survey of 500+ political scientists found American democracy scores plunging after Trump’s tenure, from 67/100 (post-2020 election) to just 55/100 (after a hypothetical second inauguration). Harvard’s Steven Levitsky concludes, “We’ve slid into some form of authoritarianism”. This analysis examines how Trump’s actions echo the warning signs of historical fascism (Hitler’s rise in the 1930s) – and why many Americans still insist “it’s just democracy.”

The idea that democracy is still intact because ballots are still being cast is a dangerous lie—because the foundation of democracy isn’t just voting. It’s truth. It’s accountability. It’s the peaceful transfer of power. And when all of that gets torched, what you’re left with isn’t a democracy. It’s a pageant.

Trump’s staging a takeover—one more methodical than the last. And if you think this is just campaign season chaos, think again. This is a calculated rehearsal for authoritarianism. The first act was January 6. Now we’re deep into Act Two—and this time, the costumes come with federal badges, ICE insignias, and military-grade rubber bullets.

From the Beer Hall to the Capitol: Two Coups, One Playbook

In November 1923 Hitler and the Nazi Party tried to seize power in Munich; the attempt was violently suppressed and Hitler was arrested. Convicted of high treason, he was sentenced to prison (serving just nine months). Yet the coup and trial unexpectedly boosted his profile. In jail he enjoyed lenient conditions and dictated Mein Kampf to his deputy, turning imprisonment into propaganda. (As one historian noted, “a silenced Hitler was a defeated Hitler,” reflecting how critical the trial was to his rise.) The Beer Hall Putsch also cemented the Nazi leadership: many future top Nazis (Goering, Himmler, etc.) marched with Hitler and later formed his inner circle. Although the coup failed, the myth of betrayal it propagated – that Germany had been undermined “from within” after World War I – became a powerful “big lie” to rally supporters.

Supporters storm the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. Nearly a century later, thousands of Trump rally-goers similarly attempted a coup. On Jan. 6 the crowd “grew larger” as people arrived from Trump’s “Save America”rally, and officers were quickly overwhelmed. By about 2:00 pm rioters had shattered windows and broken into the Capitol. They vandalized offices, attacked police with flagpoles and batons, and roamed the halls seeking lawmakers. Like Hitler’s march on the Bavarian crown prince in 1923, this mob’s goal was to stop a constitutional process – here, the certification of the 2020 election. Trump’s own words at the rally echoed the spirit of confrontation: “We fight like hell. And if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore,” he declared, even as he also urged followers they could make their voices heard “peacefully and patriotically”. The insurrection failed to overturn the election – just as the Beer Hall Putsch failed to topple Weimar – but both were intended as coups against democratic order.

After both failed coups, the leaders spun them into political advantage. Hitler’s trial gave him national attention and a martyr’s aura, and the Nazi Party went on to gain seats in parliament. Trump faced far less penalty: he was impeached for inciting the riot, but the Senate acquitted him (57–43). No court banned him from speaking or running again. In fact, as The Nation observes, Hitler was sidelined by German institutions for nearly a decade after 1923, while “Trump has raced ahead” on a much faster timeline . By 2024 Trump was already a leading presidential candidate again. Worldwide, scholars warn that this rapid rebound has put the U.S. alarmingly close to authoritarian rule

Just like Hitler, Trump walked away untouched and elevated. Impeached but not removed. Banished but not silenced. And within days, he began crafting the myth: the election was stolen, the patriots were framed, and he-of course—was the victim of a rigged system.

Both men used their failures to build loyalty. Both saw legal consequences as platforms. Both transformed violent attempts at seizure into sacred events. For Hitler, the Beer Hall Putsch was a blood sacrifice that fed the Nazi rise to power. For Trump, January 6 became a loyalty test, a loyalty badge, and a loyalty weapon. He promises to pardon the rioters. He calls them hostages. He wears their cause like armor. The message is clear: if you fight for him, he’ll protect you. And if you don’t—he’ll crush you.

Manufactured Chaos Isn’t the Crisis—It’s the Justification

Los Angeles was the test run. People saw the flames and broken glass and called it unrest. But behind the visuals was a script. Staged fires. Recycled footage. False narratives about “violent immigrants” and “out-of-control protestors.” What the administration called chaos was orchestration. A manufactured crisis designed to stir panic, justify military escalation, and test how far federal power could be stretched before anyone pushed back.

This isn’t about public safety. It never was. It’s about control. ICE is no longer acting like an immigration agency—it’s acting like a domestic military. Special Response Teams trained in crowd suppression, drone surveillance, psychological warfare, and urban combat have been quietly deployed to major cities: New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Seattle, and Northern Virginia. Not because of any real threat. But because Trump’s team is experimenting. They’re probing for resistance. Seeing what the public will tolerate. What the courts will allow. What the media will echo or ignore.

And speaking of media—don’t underestimate its role in this. The images you’re shown are curated. The peaceful marchers? The elderly immigrant women praying in front of courthouses? The students walking silently with signs? You won’t see them on primetime. But flip one car, set one fire, and suddenly it’s chaos, it’s anarchy, it’s justification for force. The truth is inconvenient to power. And this administration has no use for inconvenient.

Fascism Doesn’t Come All at Once—It Comes in Pieces

This isn’t just authoritarianism with American flair. It’s fascism, plain and simple. And if that sounds dramatic, good. Because it should. Italian philosopher Umberto Eco once warned the world to look for 14 signs of what he called “Ur-Fascism”—the foundational elements of fascist rule. And in 2025, America is ticking almost every single box.

Political scientist Lawrence Britt distilled 14 common fascist traits after studying Hitler’s Germany, Mussolini’s Italy, and other regimes. Here are key characteristics and how they’ve surfaced under Trump:

• Powerful Nationalism: Constant patriotic slogans and symbols. Trump’s “America First” and MAGArhetoric fits this pattern.

• Disdain for Human Rights: Justifying torture or repression for “security”. Trump openly boasted “torture absolutely works” and vowed to do “worse than waterboarding” – echoing fascist contempt for rights.

• Identification of Enemies: Rallying the public against scapegoats. Trump frequently singled out immigrants (“Mexican rapists”) or media critics, uniting followers against alleged internal threats.

• Supremacy of the Military: Glorifying armed forces. Trump praised generals, warned “we must always have victory” (Jan. 6 rally), and deployed federal forces on U.S. soil. Such militaristic posturing is a fascist hallmark.

• Sexism & Traditionalism: Rigid gender roles and misogyny. Trump’s history of degrading women and emphasis on “protecting the traditional family” reflects Britt’s “rampant sexism” trait.

• Controlled Mass Media: Censoring or harassing critical press . Trump’s FCC probes of networks and his allies’ bid to buy the New York Times are modern echoes of fascist media control.

• Obsession with National Security: Fear used as a tool . Trump portrayed Democrats as “soft on crime” or working with “radical Marxists,” using emergency justifications (e.g. “crisis at the border”) to push policies.

• Corporate Power Protected: Business elites allied with government. Trump championed deregulation and rewarded corporate donors, aligning with Britt’s note that fascism advances the interests of a business-state elite.

• Labor Suppressed: Undermining unions. Trump courted business by attacking public sector unions and rolling back worker protections.

• Disdain for Intellectuals: Attacking academia and science . The administration disparaged climate science, sidelined expert panels, and slashed education funding – echoing fascist hostility to “unpatriotic” academia.

• Obsession with Crime & Punishment: Promise of harsh law enforcement. Trump campaigned as a “law and order” candidate (threatening to send the military to cities) and praised aggressive policing, embodying the fascist trope of unlimited police power.

• Rampant Cronyism & Corruption: Allies in power. As noted, Trump’s nepotistic appointments and the lavish bankrolling of loyalists mimic this trait.

• Fraudulent Elections: Manipulating votes or narratives . Trump’s unfounded claims of massive voter fraud fit Britt’s warning about sham elections and propaganda – elections in name only.

Why So Few See It Coming

Despite these similarities, many Americans brush them off. Several factors explain the blind spot:

• Media Echo Chambers: Information silos shield people from inconvenient facts. For instance, a Washington Post–UMD poll found 44% of Trump voters believe the FBI actually instigated the Jan.6 riot. Fox News viewers were far more likely to believe this conspiracy than other audiences. In other words, partisan media can recast violence as provoked or even patriotic, preventing viewers from recognizing it as an insurrection.

• Polarized Labeling: The term “fascist” itself is now a political cudgel. As a Time analysis notes, Trump and his allies frequently call Democrats “fascists” and liken them to Nazis. Such misuse makes Trump supporters dismiss any accusation of fascism as mere insult. If you hear “fascist” shouted at your opponents every day, you may not notice that some tactics actually fit the definition. (Academics like Jonathan Zatlin caution that Jan.6 rioters were “violent antidemocrats… violently racist” – descriptions many supporters would reject as slander.)

• Authoritarian Psychology: Research has long shown many Trump backers have high authoritarian tendencies – they value a strong leader and are hostile to outsiders. As Politico reported, these voters “obey. They rally to and follow strong leaders. And they respond aggressively to outsiders”. Trump’s rhetoric deliberately plays to these inclinations. Thus his supporters may feel pride, not alarm, when he embodies those traits; they think of it as strength, not tyranny.

• Identity and Cynicism: Some Americans simply refuse to see any authoritarian threat on their side. When warnings come from the other political side, they’re dismissed as partisan attack. Indeed, many Trump loyalists view the Capitol riot as a courageous act of patriotism. In their worldview, Trump is protecting democracy from rigged elites, not attacking it.

In short, a mix of misinformation, identity politics, and cognitive bias blinds people to authoritarianism on the right. The very features Eco highlighted – appeals to myth, action over deliberation, contempt for opponents – can feel reassuring to true believers. As one Yale scholar noted after January 6, American voters often hear the rhetoric of an authoritarian movement in the language they’ve grown up with, and interpret it in the best light (i.e. as “fighting corruption,” not as a power grab)

There’s the obsession with a mythical past—Make America Great Again—where greatness meant rigid hierarchies, white dominance, and the silencing of anything “other.” There’s the relentless scapegoating of enemies: immigrants, trans kids, journalists, educators, and anyone who dares to question power. There’s the cult of action, the contempt for intellectualism, the constant assault on truth and nuance. Everything becomes black or white. With Trump or against him. And dissent? That’s not debate anymore. It’s treason.

We see it in how the military is fetishized while diplomacy is mocked. We see it in how Trump praises strongmen like Putin and Orbán and promises to “take care of” political enemies. We see it in the dangerous blurring of reality, where propaganda outlets are treated as gospel and legitimate news is branded “enemy of the people.” And we especially see it in how elections are no longer treated as the peaceful means of power transfer—but as a battlefield, to be won at all costs or declared illegitimate.

This is not speculation. This is textbook.

The Real Agenda: Emergency Rule, Martial Law, and Monarchy in Everything but Name

Trump doesn’t want the presidency. He wants the throne. His language gives it away every time: “I am your retribution.”“Only I can fix it.” “We’ll take care of them.”

His strategy revolves around weaponizing the Insurrection Act—a rarely invoked 1807 law that allows presidents to deploy active-duty troops inside U.S. cities. And unlike National Guard deployments, the Insurrection Act doesn’t require a state’s permission. It just requires a president willing to declare an “insurrection.” And guess what? Trump has already tested the waters. In 2020, he threatened to invoke it over protests. In 2025, he’s come dangerously close again. Peaceful protest becomes insurrection. Dissent becomes rebellion. Suddenly, tanks are legal—and no one can stop him.

Beyond that looms the specter of martial law—a full suspension of civilian governance, replaced by military rule. Under martial law, courts vanish. Rights vanish. Elections become meaningless. And Trump has already floated the idea more than once. It hasn’t happened yet. But it’s no longer unthinkable. He’s normalized the idea. And his base? They’d cheer it on.

The Media War Isn’t a Side Battle—It’s the Battlefield

Control the media, and you don’t have to control the facts. Trump knows this. His war on journalism is not just a tantrum. It’s strategy. He’s already pressured the FCC to investigate networks he doesn’t like. He’s vowed to defund NPR and PBS. He’s suggested revoking the licenses of broadcast networks. He’s floated plans for state-friendly media outlets that would serve as the administration’s official mouthpiece. And his supporters? They believe it. They believe everything that doesn’t praise him is fake. That every photo is staged. That every indictment is a witch hunt.

This is what Eco meant when he warned about the fascist “control of mass media.” You don’t need to burn books if you can discredit every source. You don’t need censors if the people willingly plug their ears.

If You Think You’re Safe, You’re Already a Target

You don’t have to be undocumented to be detained. You don’t have to be protesting to be shot. You don’t have to be political to lose your rights. If your only defense is “I’m not doing anything wrong,” then you’ve missed the point. The moment safety becomes conditional—based on identity, behavior, silence—you’re not living in a democracy. You’re surviving in a hierarchy of permission.

Ask yourself: if peaceful women can be shot with rubber bullets for walking home, if military agents can raid cities without local approval, if journalists can be banned, scientists silenced, and protest redefined as war—what exactly do you think happens next?

Because history doesn’t begin with gas chambers. It begins with normalized cruelty, televised justifications, and crowds who say, “Well, they must’ve done something wrong.” or “The government wouldn’t do that.” Yes they would. They are.

This Isn’t a Slippery Slope. We’re Mid-Fall.

History’s lessons are echoing in Washington today. Fascism’s characteristics — a charismatic strongman, conspiracy myths, scorched-earth populism — have appeared on our political scene, even if many refuse the comparison. As Umberto Eco warned, “fascism seems to be a default state for humanity” and preserving democracy is “an unending task”. Recognizing these signs is the first step: dismissing them has never prevented authoritarianism from growing. The parallels between the Beer Hall Putsch and January 6 – both failed insurrections that nonetheless energized extremist movements – show how fragile democracy can be. Americans who view 1930s Germany as a closed chapter should ask why they perceive no parallels today; after all, the same tactics of myth and mobilization are being repeated, and history suggests we ignore them at our peril

So the only question left is this:

Will we pretend not to see it?

Will we wake up?